Polynomial function Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Polynomial function - Assignment Example Conclusion: It is clear that the prediction about that nonic expression is true. The graph will remain the same till the infinite value of x. however, graph is not a straight inclined line, and thus hypothesis is not perfectly true. A part of the hypothesis is true as the graph of the nonic function is each case passes through the origin and lay in two quadrants. Moreover hypothesis is also true that it ranges from -∞ to +∞; however, the graph of the nonic function is not always a straight line. The graph may have three turning points and do not always remain a straight line. However, it will always remain in two quadrants. It is not possible to attain a solution for the nonic degree polynomial expressions with the methods developed and designed to solve the lower degree polynomial expressions. On the other hand, calculation by researchers and mathematicians are done only up to sixth degree polynomial expressions. The solution of nonic degree polynomial involves the algebraic comparison with the symbolic equation of similar degree. The first step of the solution is the decomposition of the nonic degree expression in novel manner. The two factors attained as the result of decomposition of nonic degree expressions are fourth degree polynomial expression and other is fifth degree polynomial expression. The decompositions and factorization method that we will involve in the solution of nonic degree expressions will eventually give expression that can be solved in radicals

Accounting and finance for Managers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Accounting and finance for Managers - Essay Example Capital structure decisions are significant as they determine the company’s profitability and financial flexibility. Therefore, while forming capital structure plans, the financial decision maker must consider the nature of business, external & internal conditions, economic conditions and the future plan of a company. This paper will attempt to analyse the capital structure policies of a public company (listed on stock exchange) along with the merits and demerits of capital structure. The primary focus of this paper will be to evaluate the capital structure policies of the company in context of relevant capital structure theories. The initial sections will have a brief discussion on various capital structure theories. This will be followed by a brief overview of the selected public company so as to understand its nature of business and the prevailing capital structure policy of the company. The overall findings of the project will be discussed in the concluding section. Designing the capital structure of a public company is very much crucial as it helps to reduce financial risk. Besides, the financial managers have to keep redesigning the company’s capital structure for maintaining proper leverage. Gerestonbeg has defined capital structure of a company as â€Å"the composition or make-up of its capitalization† that includes â€Å"all long-term capital resources i.e. loans, reserves, shares and bonds† (Patra, 2006, p.237). Many scholars have developed various capital structure theories for trading off between the owned capital and loaned capital. Some of popular theories of capital structure are trade off theory, pecking order theory, agency cost theory and Modigliani & Miller theory. Out of these theories, Modigliani & Miller theory is the most important and widely accepted capital structure theory. In order to trade off between costs and benefit of debts, the financial managers must choose the optimum level of capital structur e. The cost of capital

Evaluate the roles of named players Essay Example for Free

Evaluate the roles of named players Essay Managing future energy needs is certainly a global challenge that requires the cooperation of many named players both on a small and large scale. It has been estimated that global demand for primary energy is set to grow 55% by 2030 and that $22 trillion of new investment is need to meet future energy forecasts. The main player in providing future energy security can be argued to be OPEC as they control the production of over 2/3s of the worlds supply of oil, therefore leading them be price makers in the industry. OPEC is considered to be the most important player in global energy provision, it currently consists of 12 members and was created in 1960 mainly to protect the interests of member countries and to stabilise oil prices for a regular supply to oil consuming countries. However, OPECs obligations have been controversial as they have been accused of holding back on production of oil and gas in order to drive up prices, therefore using the market mechanism of demand and supply to increase profits for member states. Currently it has been proven that collectively, OPEC has stored 900,000 million barrels of crude oil, they own 78% of global resources and have a combined market share of 45% for oil and 18% for gas. This inherently makes them the largest producer of fossil fuels in the world meaning they will have a large if not absolute say in future energy provision and energy security. The responsibility of oil distribution will then fall on OPEC when supply of oil runs low leading to a bidding system for allocation of oil to where demand and price is highest. Another large player involved in providing energy security for the future is multinational oil companies; they are involved in the exploration and extraction of oil as well as transporting and refining the oil to consumers meaning they, as well as OPEC control the prices directly to consumers. Most of the top 20 oil companies in 2005 were state owned with companies such as Saudi Aramco in Saudi Arabia and PDV in Venezuela, this could be beneficial for domestic industry as they may charge less, stimulating the economy with lower production costs. However, many of the largest oil companies are relatively free of direct political influence and are therefore driven by the market mechanism leading to higher prices, above production costs. An example of a petro chemical company that has a direct impact on us in the UK is Gazprom in Russia. It solely controls one third of the worlds gas reserves and accounts for more than 92% of Russias gas production, but more importantly it provides 25% of the EUs natural gas as we are consistently becoming net importers. The security of the energy provision is open to risk as Europes fear is that Russia will be able to name its price for gas because Europe is predominately dependent on its supply. In addition, the reliability is further doubted since Russia temporarily shut off gas supply to Ukraine in 2006 and therefore the whole of Europe. Fossil fuels are of course a finite resource meaning they will one day deplete to such an extent that it will not be cost effective to extract and refine to sell. This insinuates that it is the combined role of governments and oil producing companies to innovate and invest in new technology to sustain increasing energy demands. International Governments is the last and one of the main players in providing future energy security. Governments have the option of allowing oil companies to further exploit their own environment in order to increase oil production such as the case with the province of Alberto. It is estimated up to 2. 5 trillion barrels of are held within the sedimentary oil-shale more so than in Saudi Arabia. This may relieve pressure for rising energy demand in the US as Canada does in fact have a surplus of primary energy. It will also relieve the US from its dominant reliance on the unreliable Saudi Arabian oil reserves with growing political challenges and the threat of terrorism and piracy. However, environmentalists see the exploitation of oil-shale are sands as a disaster in the making, not only does it already have detrimental environmental scars but with current technology, huge amounts of energy are needed in heating the sands to extract the oil (every 3 barrels of oil produced requires 1 barrel to be burnt). Conversely, Governments may opt to incentives conservation of energy through fuel duties or green taxes and emission trading as it leads to industries investing in cleaner technology. In addition, investment in greener fuels such as renewable and nuclear energy is a way for governments to secure energy provision in the future as it can be sustainable and everlasting. In conclusion, each player has a unique role in providing future energy security either with price stability with OPEC, investment into greener technology with oil companies and correct management and legislation from governments to both the exploitation of their environment and their fiscal system in incentive taxation. All in all it depends on the magnitude of integration of all these ideas brought forward that will secure actual energy provision in the future and allow for a sustained and secure increase in consumption of energy.

Cult Practices in Late Bronze Age Cyprus

Cult Practices in Late Bronze Age Cyprus Assess the evidence for cult practices on Cyprus during the LBA (Late Bronze Age). There is a variety of evidence for cult practices on Cyprus during the LBA although it is often difficult to interpret and scholarly opinion of the significance or meaning of any particular piece of evidence may vary widely.   In absolute terms, the LBA on Cyprus approximately covers the period from 1650-1050BC, some six hundred years, and in relative terms is divided by Steel into the phases LC (Late Cypriot) I-IIIA (Tatton-Brown 1997, 91; Steel 2004, 13).   The later phase down to c1050BC, traditionally termed LCIIIB, may be considered a transitional Bronze/Early Iron Age.   Such a considerable amount of time offers considerable scope for change in religious thought and practice, which may be more or less visible in the archaeological record, and although some material change through time may be observable, any interpretation still poses the danger of imposing a possibly non-existent uniformity on the material.   A lack of any written references such as inscriptions, dedica tions or other texts to deities in LBA Cyprus further complicates matters (Tatton-Brown 1997, 62).   Nevertheless, the archaeological evidence usually discussed in terms of religious or cultic beliefs and practices in LBA Cyprus seems to fall into several interlinked categories: clay figurines, architectural remains (eg of sanctuaries) and artefacts, such as statuettes, imported pottery or bucrania, found in association with those architectural remains.   The identification of any particular deities has been fraught with difficulty, but several bronze statuettes, the most well-known being known as the Ingot God and the Bomford figurine, are often thought to represent Cypriot or sometimes foreign gods and to show a link between cult and metalworking.   This essay shall therefore examine these in turn, focussing on LCII and LCIIIA in particular.   There are various types of figurine from LBA Cyprus and as with figurines from elsewhere, their interpretation and significance is disputed.   Considering the earlier stump and plank type human figures, Tatton-Brown (1997, 62) suggests that whether they were fertility charms or goddesses ‘in practical terms their function would have been the same’.   It is perhaps appropriate to bear this in mind with the LBA figurines.   Karageorghis (2001, 323) has noted two types of female symbolism in the religious iconography of LBA Cyprus: one type of nude female figurine holding or supporting her breasts first appears on Cyprus in the Chalcolithic and continues down to the sixth century BC (see Tatton-Brown 1997, 49, fig. 49); another type, the kourotrophos (or boy-feeder; see Tatton-Brown 1997, 62 fig. 67 for an early plank-shaped kourotrophos) appeared firstly in the LBA and was also present in the Aegean as well as Cyprus.   The former are sometimes known as ‘Asta rte’ type figures, after the Syrian goddess.   This emphasis on female characteristics such as breasts and genitals, as well as the feeding infant or infant in arms, is certainly suggestive of an interest in fertility and the feminine aspect, often thought to be represented by a ‘Great Goddess’ of Cyprus.   Although there is no textual evidence regarding female deities from LBA Cyprus, much later fourth century BC dedications at Paphos refer to ‘Wanassa’ – the ‘Lady’, which seems to be an old title known in the LBA Linear B record of mainland Greece (Tatton-Brown 1997, 63).   Greeks knew this goddess as Aphrodite or the Cyprian in the eighth century BC while Cypriots knew her as the Paphian, from the religious centre at Paphos.   Whatever the female figurines represent – and they may not even represent goddesses, it has nevertheless been concluded that anthropomorphic clay figurines ‘are not a typical element of LC cult equipment in LCII or LCIII’ but become popular towards the end of the LBA (Steel 2004, 205, 211).   Indeed, it seems that especially at Enkomi in LCIIIB, in the Sanctuary of the Ingot God, smaller and larger figurines (wheel-made with upraised arms) became especially popular, perhaps representing worshippers and deities.   The larger figurines seem to be related to Cretan examples (Karageorghis 2001, 325).   Most of the 120 figurines were deliberately broken, which may be indicative of changes in cult practice at this time (Webb 1999, 107). Anthropomorphic figurines are not the only type of figurine that may be related to cult practices on LBA Cyprus.   Another key type may be the bull figurine.   Steel (2004, 178) suggests that ‘most LC cult sanctuaries are equipped with at least a single terracotta bull figure.’   Hadjisavvas (1989) describes the tentative identification of two sanctuaries and a household cult area at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris from LCIIC-IIIA, where in total more than ten bull figurines were found on floors (see Hadjisavvas 1989, 38 fig. 3.6).   Evidence of metalworking and a miniature ox-hide ingot were also found associated.   Since bull figurines tend to be found on the floors of sanctuaries rather than deposited in pits (bothroi) or wells, Webb suggests they served as cult equipment rather than offerings (Webb 1999, 219).   Bucrania had appeared on clay sanctuary models from the Early Bronze Age testifying to the longstanding significance of the bull in the Cypriot mindscape (Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 202) and the LBA figures emphasise the continuing importance of the bull in LCIIIA cult practices, reflected in the finds of cattle bones and skulls at sites such as the Sanctuary of the Horned God at Enkomi (Steel 2004, 205).   It may be significant that at several sites, including the Sanctuary of the Double Goddess at Enkomi, no bull figurines were found.   The focus of communal ceremonial activity seems to have changed in LCIIA from the extramural cemeteries that seemed to dominate the ceremonial of LCI to sites specific to religious activity – sanctuaries, that now appear in the archaeological record (Steel 2004, 175).   There are notable examples of specialised cult centres from LCIIA at Myrtou-Pighades, Athienou and perhaps Ayios Iakovos-Dhima and in LCIIC-IIIA at the urban centres of Kition, Enkomi and Palaepaphos (Steel 2004, 176).   As seen above, the religious nature of a place may often be suggested by the finds associated with it, such as bull figurines or miniature ingots, supposing that they are a specialised assemblage distinct from domestic assemblages.   Particular architectural features or installations, such as horns of consecration (a feature from the Aegean, particularly Crete), altars and a cult room, may also be used to identify LC sanctuaries.   The remains of sacrifice, stores cult objects and image s and specialised prestige and religious objects, such as figurines, bucrania and imported pottery should also be indicative of a sanctuary (Knapp 1996, 75-6 cited in Steel 2004, 175).   However, the identification of cult buildings is not always straightforward since as Webb (1999, 11) points out ‘there appear to be few artefacts or architectural or locational indicators exclusively diagnostic of cult activity. Virtually all object types, with the probable exception of horns of consecration, are found in domestic and funerary as well as apparently ritual contexts’ and there is a danger of circular argumentation.   Ã‚  Ã‚   Bearing in mind the problems of identification, Webb (1999, 157-6; 166-88) has nevertheless suggested a number of characteristics of LC cult buildings.   Such buildings are mostly rectangular and freestanding and incorporate an enclosed courtyard or temenos.   They tend to be laid out on an east-west axis and often comprise two or three units of rooms – the hall, sometimes supported by rows of pillars, the cella or adyton and a vestibule.   A range of internal installations may be present, including: benches, for storage and display; hearths, often with burnt animal bone suggestive of sacrifice; stone podia for food and drink offerings or the display of votives or cult equipment; stone platforms or altars with horns of consecration, as at Myrtou-Pighades; terracotta larnakes or bathtubs and pits or bothroi, for the disposal of debris from sacrifices.   Also characteristic of LCII cult places are faunal remains of sheep, goat, cattle and deer, perhaps in the form of ash and burnt bone, the remains of sacrifice and feasting.   The main function of cult buildings may have been to house the deity and any ritual or public assembly may have made use of the courtyard or temenos area (Webb 1999, 162).   There may have been restricted access to particular areas reflecting the specialised role of religious functionaries, as in other ancient Near Eastern societies.   Keswani (1993, 74) has commented that what is striking about LC religious sites is their diversity in architectural form, which might argue for the existence of independent local polities.   However the relationship between religion and its expression in material terms, let alone the relationship between religion and politics, is unclear and, to use an analogy, the similarity of Gothic cathedrals or Christian churches across various countries does not reflect political unity.   Furthermore, whether the modern scholar’s distinction between cult building and non-cult building ref lects any particular distinction between sacred and secular that may or may not have existed in LBA Cyprus is moot. Turning now to the artefacts that are often found in the sanctuaries, Steel (2004, 177) notes that in contrast to the variety in architecture, the cult equipment of LCII sanctuaries is fairly uniform.   Although she comments that this may suggest ‘a certain degree of uniformity of cult practices and religious beliefs’ it should be borne in mind that material similarities and even similarities of ritual action do not necessarily betoken similarities in religious belief – the number of religions ancient and modern that utilise, for example, ritualised drinking (eg Christianity), while having very different sets of beliefs, should warn us of this.   That said, the cult equipment is largely made up of ceramics that suggest certain features of cult practice.   Liquid containers are common finds, especially Base Ring carinated cups which may have been used for wine consumption during feasting, for pouring libations or both (Steel 2004, 177).   The pottery in the se contexts is usually fine Cypriot ware with some Mycenaean imports, mainly in the form of kraters, probably for mixing wine.   Some Mycenaean rhyta, often conical vessels used for pouring libations, have been found, for example at Myrtou-Pighades and Kition (see Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 201 fig. 134) and a locally made imitation in ivory was found at Athienou, although they may not have been fully incorporated into Cypriot ritual (Steel 2004, 178).   Other vessels such as Mycenanaean kylikes may have been used for libation ceremonies.   The ceramic focus on drinking seems reminiscent of the mainland Greek LBA palace of Pylos, with its storerooms full of drinking cups.   Another shared feature is the practice of using miniature votives, either ceramics or ingots, such as at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris (Hadjisavvas 1989, 38).   Apart from ceramics, Steel (2004, 178) also mentions the presence of objects that may have been used in divination: incised ox-scapulae, astragalis and worked shells, and other valuable items such as faience, ivory, glass, alabaster, bronzes and sealstones, which may have been involved in competitive display, at least on the urban sanctuaries.   Three of the most famous and enigmatic bronze finds, perhaps representing deities, are the Ingot God from Enkomi, the unprovenanced Bomford statuette and the Horned God from Enkomi, all of which would seem to belong to LCIIIA (Carless Hulin 1989; Steel 2004, 180, 205 plate 25). The Ingot God is a warrior with a horned helmet, holding a small round shield and spear.   He appears to be standing on a characteristically shaped bronze ox-hide ingot.   The Bomford statuette resembles an ‘Astarte’ figurine but also seems to stand upon an ingot.   Many interpretations have been offered, including suggestions that the Ingot God is a Babylonian or Levantine god (Nergal) or the Greek smith-god Hephaistos; others have linked it with Syria-Palestine or the Aegean (Carless Hulin 1989, 127).   The Bomford figurine, reckoned to be a local Cypriot goddess, has been assumed to be the consort of the Ingot God, since it also stands on an ingot, and thus Carless Hulin (1989, 127) ha s suggested that its identification must be seen in light of that figure.   While these two figures have posed significant problems in interpretation and in particular origins as deduced from style have been a major concern of those examining them, they do seem to show a connection between religion and metalwork (Steel 2004, 180).   This is not entirely surprising since such a link is suggested by the miniature ingots from cult areas mentioned above at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris or those from Enkomi, some with inscriptions.   Further representations of ingots have been noted that seem to show them in a ritualised sense – ie being carried in a procession   (unless this is mere transportation or loading), on sealstones, and in combination with human figures, trees and bucrania, the association of which would seem to indicate ritual significance (Knapp 1986, 37).   Another link between religion and metalwork is shown by the physical proximity of cult and metalworking areas .   This was the case at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris (Hadjisavvas 1989, 41) and can be seen clearly at Kition-Kathari (see Steel 2004, 179 fig. 6.13) as well as many other sites.   Hadjisavvas (1989, 41) concluded that there was a relationship between elite control (priesthood/priest-king) of craft production and trade in copper and other commodities and between cult and metalworking.   As with drinking, the relationship seems reminiscent of that of Pylos as a specialised production centre with close links between production, storage and religious/political authority. The Horned God has also been classed as a warrior god (Steel 2004, 205), though it does not possess the military accoutrements (the spear and shield) of the Ingot God.   The impractically horned helmet may in fact be arrogating or representing some aspect of the bull divinity in human aspect.   The sanctuary of the Horned God at Enkomi in fact revealed cattle bones, skulls and possibly traces of an Aegean bull’s head rhyton that might be taken as supporting this conjecture.   Although these three bronze figures are commonly referred to as gods, the problem of interpretation nonetheless remains.   Do the statues represent deities and were they venerated?   Are they votives or substitutes for worshippers or individuals?   Perhaps they were simply items of cult equipment used in ceremonies, perhaps revealed during ceremonies of divine appearance or the enactment of myths.   Their deposition seems to suggest deliberate closure ceremonies (Steel 2004, 206), suggesting that these rituals and statuettes are tied to specific times in LBA Cyprus and presumably responded to specific social needs.   Thus it is perhaps unwise to draw period wide generalisations from such evidence. Another type of evidence appearing in LCIII that should be mentioned briefly is the terracotta masks from the urban sanctuaries of Enkomi and Kition (Steel 2004, 204).   These have been divided into anthropomorphic and demonic types, both of which are slightly less than adult life size.   Some have traces of paint and eight of the anthropomorphic masks show a bearded male with cut-out eyes and a closed mouth.   The demonic faces are deeply grooved.   The masks have been interpreted as ritual objects worn during rites of passage from childhood to adulthood – the demonic masks representing the wild state of childhood and as masks used in mythological re-enactments connected to metalworking (Steel 2004, 205). This essay has attempted to outline and assess the evidence for cult practice in LBA Cyprus.   Inevitably not all of the evidence has been mentioned here but it is hoped that reasonable coverage has been given to the main points.   It has shown that while there is much evidence linked to cult in the LBA, such as figurines, sanctuaries and specialised artefacts, their interpretation is often problematic.   Even when it is fairly certain that items may have been involved in cult in one way or another, any more specific comment is often impossible, even when deciding if a figurine represent a divinity.   It has also been demonstrated that to link variety in architectural form to any interpretation of the political geography of LBA Cyprus may be problematic, since the wider relationships between material and non-material remain obscure.   Furthermore, the essay examined the significance of several bronze statuettes, usually taken to be divinities, and the problems in their inte rpretation as well as the novel terracotta masks that appear in LCIII.   On the other hand, it has been shown that there seems to have been lively religious activity on LBA Cyprus that involved drinking and feasting using particular ceramics and in particular places, the pouring of libations and sacrifice of animals, as well as the deposition of valuable items.   There seems to have been a particular reverence for bulls and their imagery as well as the female aspect represented by figurines and the Bomford statuette, as well as a significant link between metalworking and religion, as demonstrated by both the proximity of cult and metalworking areas and the presence of miniature ingots.   Another important aspect of LBA Cypriot religion seems to be the willingness to incorporate features from outside Cyprus, the Cretan horns of consecration, for example, rhyta, Mycenaean cups, kraters and the like and the ability of Cypriot religion to change over time. References Carless Hulin, L. 1989. The identification of Cypriot cult figures through cross-cultural comparison: some problems.   In Peltenburg, E. (ed.) 1989. Early Society in Cyprus. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp127-39. Hadjisavvas, S. 1989. A Late Cypriot Community at Alassa. In Peltenburg, E. (ed.) 1989. Early Society in Cyprus. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp32-42. Karageorghis, V. 2001. The Great Goddess of Cyprus Between the Aegeans and the ‘Etrocypriots’. In Laffineur, R. and Hagg, R. (eds.) 2001. POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age Aegaeum 22. Gà ¶teborg: Gà ¶teborg University pp323-27. Keswani, P.S. 1993. Models of Local Exchange in Late Bronze Age Cyprus. BASOR 292: 73-83. Knapp, A.B. 1986. Copper Production and Divine Protection: Archaeology, Ideology and Social Complexity on Bronze Age Cyprus. SIMA Pocketbook 42. Gà ¶teborg: Paul Astrà ¶ms Fà ¶rlag.    Preziosi, D. and Hitchcock, L.A. 1999. Aegean Art and Arc hitecture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Steel, L. 2004. Cyprus Before History. From the Earliest Settlers to the End of the Bronze Age. London: Duckworth. Tatton-Brown, V. 1997. Ancient Cyprus. (2nd edition) London: British Museum Press. Webb, J.M. 1999. Ritual Architecture, Iconography and Practice in the Late Cypriot Bronze Age.   Jonsered: Paul Astrà ¶ms Fà ¶rlag.

Monet Essay example -- Essays Papers

Monet Claude Monet was born in Paris, France on the 14th of November 1840. When Monet was 5 he moved to the town of Le Havre for the majority of his youth. Monet was considered to be undisciplined and unlikely to make an achievement of his life by his parents and teachers. His father owned a wholesale grocery that Monet showed no interest in inheriting. He was only interested in painting. By the age of fifteen he was receiving commission from his works. He later grew to become one of the greatest influential impressionist painters of all times. Monet was the leader of the impressionist movement. He influenced art by trying to paint his personal spontaneous response to outdoor scenes or events. Earlier artists had also painted outdoor studies rapidly, almost in shorthand. They used such studies as â€Å"notes† for more elaborate pictures painted in the studio. Monet was the most important of the artists who first allowed their initial impressions of outdoor scenes to stand as complete works. Monet painted directly from the object in order to record visual sensation more accurately. He was especially concerned with the effect of outdoor light and atmosphere. Impressionists recorded their own sensations of color, and the outlines and solidities of the world as interpreted by common sense melt away. The impressionist emphasis on the prime reality of sensation in the process of apprehending nature or the world had its parallel in the work of contemporaneous scientists, philo...

Fight Club :: essays research papers

The Fight Club, directed by David Fincher, constructs an underground world of men fighting with one and other to find the meaning to their lives. Ed Norton and Brad Pitt are the main characters who start the fight club. They make a set of rules in which everyone must follow. The fight club exists because individuals get weighted down by possessions causing them to miss the deep meaning of life. Most of the people in the fight club hold service jobs or lower level management jobs that are meaningless. Society becomes so rationalized that one must push themeself to the extreme in order to feel anything or accomplish anything. The more you fight in the fight club the tougher and stronger you become. Getting into a fight tests who you are. No one helps you so you are forced to see your weaknesses. The film celebrates self-destruction and the idea that being on the edge allows you to be beaten becuase nothing really matters in your life. Ed Norton is the main character in the beginning. He has a meaningless job and he has to go to support groups to feel anything. There he meets Marla, a woman who does the same as him; they are both addicted to support groups. He then meets Brad Pitt. Pitts character forces Norton's character to see that life is meaningless and they begin the fight club. It starts in the basement; it is in confines and is completely regulated. It then shifts to cultural anarchy of vandalism and attacks. Then the members have to pick a fight and lose. The idea of the fight club spreads and becomes like an army and the members become militant. The members no longer "take it out" on each other, they take it out on everyone. The idea of the fight club becomes facist and Tyler becomes like Hitler. It turns out that Norton and Pitt are the same person, they are Tyler Durton. Norton represents the average man in America at a meaningless job, feeling like there is no reason for his existance. Pitt represents the force which makes Norton realize that there is no meaning to life and he must push to the extreme to feel anything and to accomplish anything. Marla is the only woman in the movie and she is used to show that the idea of women fighting is a ridicule where as the idea of men fighting is celebrated.

Black Panther Party during the 1960s Essay

The Black Panther Party was a left-wing organization founded in 1966 for the defense of African Americans (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 3). It was founded in Oakland, California by Bobby Seale and Huey Newton and would go on to gain fame all over the United States for its deep commitment to defend the rights of the African American population as a minority group (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 3). For the decade it lasted, the Black Panther Party was able to tackle one of the most pertinent issues of the time: Racism. In this essay, I seek to explain the role the Black Panther Party, whose initial objective was to defend African Americans from police brutality, played in American society in the 1960s. Black Panther Party began as a result of a prior history of activism where African American opinion leaders were pushing for equality and an end to racial prejudices and police brutality (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 71). African Americans had for long demanded that authorities address the issues that were affecting them as a minority in the American society. The Black Panther Party the discipline and calmness preached by renown African American activist Malcolm X to become the heroes of the African American cause (Smethurst 21). The party symbolized self determination and pride, and initiated programs aimed at educating African Americans politically as an attempt to achieve a revolution in diction, the free spirit and commitment to the cause. It became a symbol of African American culture and even had an impact on fashion. The Black Panther Party, through its Ten Point Program, was able to grasp the attention of the authorities and the American public about the issues that were affecting the African American community (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 76). It gave an outcry about the oppression that was perpetuated against members of its target community and their lack of control in the political and social institutions that were meant to serve them. The party also petitioned the government and demanded it honors its obligation to provide employment or guarantee an income for all people (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 76). The other demands in the Ten Point program included a call to end economic exploitation of the African American and other minority communities and the honor of the promise for forty acres of land and a mule that had been made 100 years earlier as reparation for slavery (Jones 177). The party also demanded better housing to be made available in African American neighborhoods failure to which the land should be made cooperative land so that African Americans could build their own decent housing. The Black Panther Party managed to petition authorities about the poor quality of educational infrastructure in African American neighborhoods as well as pushing the agenda for free healthcare for impoverished Americans (Jones 179). Police brutality was rampant in those days, targeting African American and Hispanic men. The Black Panther Party wanted an end to all this; and through sensitizing the public, it helped create an awareness and knowledge of human rights which was later to become instrumental in later activism (Smethurst 26). The Black Panther Party followed the ideals of Chinese revolutionary leader Mao Zedong as he outlined them in his manual, The Little Red Book, to orchestrate economic and social awareness campaigns among African American people through what it called Survival Programs (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 81). Through these programs, it fought drug abuse and rehabilitated drug addicts, organized free medical clinics and offered emergency response and ambulance services. In addition it founded the Inter-communal Youth Institute with Ericka Huggins as the director to demonstrate how African American youth must be educated so that they would be empowered politically and economically (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 81). There were also other programs, most of which had an impact on live in areas where the party was operational. The Black Panther Party had an impact on the political landscape during the time it existed. The party assumed the role of teaching African Americans their political rights and their guarantees as legal American citizens to basic human rights, individual freedoms and liberties (Jones 178). To be more effective, it briefly combined efforts with the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee which was headed by Stokely Carmichael who later renamed himself Kwame Ture in line with his Pan African ideals (Jones 178). This was just after it was founded. In the year 1967, the Black Panther Party organized a street march in which many African Americans were involved in a procession to the California State Capital to oppose a proposed directive to ban the carrying of loaded weapons to public places (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 81)). The panthers (members of the party) had already begun exercising that right; and on this procession they all carried rifles. The Black Panther Party sought to empower African Americans politically; and having garnered widespread support from African Americans and other sympathizers, its Minister of Information, Eldridge Cleaver ran for president in the 1968 presidential elections (Katsiaficas, and Cleaver 85). The party made a bigger impact than its opposite, the White Panther Party. Its biggest role was perhaps in the human rights movement. Even though the party lasted for only 14 years, it left a lasting impression on the struggle for rights and equality, and its ideals of community service are still present in many African American communities today. Works cited Jones, Charles. The Black Panther Party (Reconsidered). Baltimore, MD: Black Classic Press, 1998. Katsiaficas, George, and Cleaver, Kathleen. Liberation, Imagination and the Black Panther Party: A New Look At The Panthers and Their Legacy. New York: Rutledge, 2001. Smethurst, James. The Black Arts Movement: Literary Nationalism in the 1960s and 70s. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2005.